With the advent of mining, the sagaseg is being revived in the context of possible future benefits. He told the government representatives that they had this time come to the wrong place, since he and other Wampar were no less educated than the cleverest of them. Elle est centrée sur le parcours de Dubays b. Microsoft Corporation – Internet Explorer. Beer Bettina and Julia S chroedter, ms.

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Bibliographie Bacalzo Doris, The experiences from other mining areas in Papua New Guinea, lead us not to discount the possibility for more exclusionary processes and increasing inequalities, in the medium to long-term future. Transfert de fichiers Bluetooth. The Wampar case suggests that the representations circulating within communities located on or near prospective mining sites, can — from the first signs of interest by a mining company — create social expectations and tensions while simultaneously disempowering those communities by restricting information and obscuring political questions and power relations. Microsoft Corporation O42 – Logiciel: Representatives of mmjv arrived in a car long after the ceremony had started, and left after having a short look around.

Among the Wampar of Papua New Guinea, circulating narratives about mining interplay with and are informed by local social specificities to produce imagined futures that involve the revival of encompassing groups called sagaseg as a basis for Incorporated Land Groups ilg s. Yet, the creation of ilg s is sensitive to the particularities of kin relations, including those emerging out of interethnic marriages, thus preserving the long-standing Wampar emphasis on inclusive sociality.

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The three co-authors have equally contributed to this article with fieldwork data and analysis and are listed in alphabetical order. We would also like to thank Don Gardner for helpful discussions and comments on earlier versions of this article.

Wherever the prospect of resource extraction arises, resource developers and the state demand the identification of landowners who can negotiate over access to the land, compensation, royalties and other benefits Gilberthorpe and Banks, ; Imbun, As a consequence, local communities come under strong pressure to present themselves according to concepts understandable by the state and developers.

As representatives of the state in Papua New Guinea use a popular version of the anthropological idea that unilineal descent groups constitute corporate, landowning entities Jorgensen, ; Filer,its citizens are required to reshape patterns of sociality to conform to it: Sometimes they pursue exclusionary strategies that produce novel boundaries within existing social fields.

This can clearly be seen in the cases of the Lihir Big Men who limit their once important outside connections Bainton, ; among the Sawiyanoo of the Left May River, that reframed land tenure in terms of patrilineal descent within a decade of mining exploration starting Guddemi, ; or in the strengthening of hereditary kinship to the exclusion of other types of social connections among the Fasu under the impact of the Kutubu oil project Gilberthorpe, Among the Gende, exclusionary mechanisms have grown over the course of the last twenty years, from an initial focus on inclusivity.

With the mining operations of Ramu Nickel, and a second project in Yandera getting close to realisation, this has created three distinct localised social networks the two areas around the mine sites and a third area on the Simbu side of the Bismarck range grounded in concerns about claims to mining royalties Zimmer-Tamakoshi, These narratives 2 often engender proactive and autonomous preparations by the local people involved, who start formalizing and transforming kinship relations long before a resource development plan even reaches a feasibility stage Guddemi, ; Zimmer-Tamakoshi, Narratives on the wealth that this mine will bring to the Wampar, and the preparations that have to be put in place to ensure it, flowed through the villages.

These narratives are diverse, refer to local, regional and national processes and are patterned according to the level and kind of access people have to specific information. These relations are carefully observed and discussed by nearly everybody, with a view to acquiring enough understanding of this agent to put social relations with it on the appropriate footing.

Existing social differences and inequalities among the Wampar tend to be reinforced by these relations with mmjvas well as by access to news and narratives that matter. What is striking is that through these exercises, Wampar actively began to negotiate amongst themselves with a view to coordinating the creation of ilg s. In the process, they reactivated and reworked the Wampar social category of sagasegwhich refers to large, encompassing, clan-like groups.

Prior to the discovery of valuable mineral resources nearby, the descendants of a particular person mpan 4 had become the primary organizing framework for economic activities that implicate land.

The significance of the sagaseg had declined because of changing practices concerned with land tenure, kinship and settlement patterns as a result of colonization, missionization, and engagement with market forces. With the advent of mining, the sagaseg is being revived in the context of possible future benefits. In fact, the narrative rendering of Wampar futures is still sensitive to a heterogeneous range of specific factors that pre-empt any tendency to the creation of such a large-scale political subject Cody, Many people are well educated and long accustomed to taking up economic opportunities in whatever form they present themselves.

Moreover, and again in contrast to communities affected by mining elsewhere in Papua New Guinea, which were comparatively homogenous prior to the onset of mining, Wampar social life has already experienced significant in-migration, and involves a substantial number of interethnic marriages Beer, a, b, ; Bacalzo, These villages are political units in the sense that there is a Local Level Government Councillor short llgkaunsel in Tok Pisin for each village, but they differ substantially in their degree of not only spatial but also political cohesion.


The Wampar practice of building houses in gardens away from the villages offsets this centralization in some villages, and in the last few decades many of these garden houses have developed into new hamlets away from the main village. With new economic opportunities through cash crops, cattle and chicken farms, and marketing along the main Highway, additional settlements have proliferated Fischer, Aside from the growth in number of hamlets, there has also been an increasing factionalism in the dominant Evangelical Lutheran Church and the growth of new religious denominations and churches.

Thus, the once centralizing force of a single institutional church as the centre of village life from the early colonial period has been dissolved as well. Already, at this time, several of these sagaseg were too big to effectively function as corporate units with respect to land, and their members already at the start of the 20 th century were spread over different villages. Wampar speak of sagaseg as patrilineal, but as is often the case in Papua New Guinea the incorporation of non-agnates is common.

Also, the fusion of non-related sagaseg is historically verifiable. Furthermore, marriage patterns and practices have been diverse and are changing, e. Marriages within the same sagaseg were formerly subject to sanctions, but this is no longer the case, mostly because younger people are unclear about their membership of a sagaseg Fischer, Accordingly, lineages have become more important with the increase in cash cropping and cattle farming Lütkes, Yet, knowledge of lineage depth has also been decreasing it now hardly covers more than two or three generations and land tenure more and more individualized Fischer, One of the clearest examples to illustrate this central importance of the mpan is the set-up behind the Dzifasing Cattle Ranch.

This large ranch was founded in the late s with government support as a model cattle ranch and breeding station, and is the only one of these stations established at the time still operating today. It is a cooperative business enterprise, in which 13 mpan have pooled their landholdings west of Dzifasing village. Each mpan is an equal shareholder in the enterprise. What is notable in this case is that the pooling took place independently of their sagaseg affiliation, as the 13 mpan identify themselves with different sagaseg.

At the same time not all mpan in each sagaseg are involved in this enterprise. Ina district land administrator informed people in one Wampar village that all ilg s with few registered members and landholdings under dispute would be deregistered. One specific reason cited was that a number of extended families registered their land without informing other members of their sagaseg.

As yet there is no evidence of the Gende tendency to maintain exclusivity through marriage Zimmer-Tamakoshi, Intermarriages, through transformations of concrete practices, challenge normative conceptions of kinship and pose questions about what constitutes a Wampar, who is a member of what sagasegand how membership of a sagaseg is to be configured. Fieldwork between and made clear to us how kin networks that join ethnically different groups, also act to complexify Wampar narratives concerning boundaries and identities.

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In practice, the specific circumstances of particular social actors and the kind of relationships that they have among themselves and with their extended families, including those of interethnic marriages, are decisive in accounting for their narrative commitments. For instance, people have observed an increased sediment load in the Markham River that threatens to destroy riverside gardens, and sightings of dead fish tend to support narratives about poisoning of the river and increase anxieties that fish from the river transkator no longer edible.

The same mining company, Al-waif Mining Joint Ventures mmjvis now planning an even larger copper and gold mine in the immediate vicinity of the Wampar at Wafi-Golpu.

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Wampar hear sounds detonations, helicopters, etc. Although translztor Wampar say that these operations cause earth tremors and kill fish, rumours about enormous compensation payments already received by Hidden Valley landowners also circulate frequently, so that many Wampar anticipate the monetary benefits they too will obtain when production translatr Wafi-Golpu begins.

However, that people do not have access to all the informational resources they desire is also common knowledge in the sense that all people know it and know that all know it. Infor example, local people demanded information from authorities about the dead fish that were being found in the Markham River.

But information relating to Water Discharge Permits is not available to the public and it was not possible to determine what responsibility mmjv bore for the fish deaths. So, in addition to the physical enclosures required by mmjv operations, which make parts of Wampar territory inaccessible tranlsator local people, there exists a zone of interaction that comprises complex relations of inclusion and exclusion with respect to information: Creating enclaves is one of the organizing principles of the political economy of large-scale capitalist projects like mines or factories.

Precisely because the government and the corporation are so interested in controlling the mines as enclosures these become a realm of such productivity for Wampar projected futures. In the following we exemplify this process through a discussion of the role of a village kaunsel who was the representative of the Local Level Government llg. In earlyhe went to a fourth workshop during which the local politicians also visited the mining site. These seminars goolden held at hotels and restaurants in the city of Lae to which the average village kaunsel would normally have no access.

Reports that circulated around the villages about the seminars were largely concerned with the food and accommodation they involved and the personal experience of the journey.


In addition, seminar participants are picked up from their villages in new and expensive company vehicles and driven into town. They are, however, interested in hearing about the otherwise inaccessible lifestyles associated with mmjv. During and after the fish deaths in the Markham, Wampar had a lot of questions about what was going on, in translatoe, whether it was safe to eat fish from the Markham. Even well-connected individuals found it impossible to get answers from district government authorities or the company at that time.

The workshop later held by mmjv blamed artisanal miners in the Watut for the fish deaths, but it also claimed that fish death had occurred in former times. The kaunsel and other villagers did not believe these claims. Many Wampar said that some white scientists had come to the village to test Markham water and had warned against eating its fish.

Who they were and to which organisation they belonged was not at all clear to villagers and nobody could answer questions about these people. More generally, the lack of independent sources of information, the anxieties of local people, and their mistrust of mmjvput other aspects of seminars such as the hotel, the food, and modern translagor equipment at the mining site at the centre of attention.

In this respect mmjv is like any other political agent on the local scene: The extent to which local political representatives are in a position to act as honest brokers in the local knowledge economy is compromised, even while accounts of their experiences circulate as relevant features of the relationships between the Wampar and mmjv. He thinks mmjv corrupts the kaunsel with their invitations to hotels and restaurants.

He had declined an offer to stage a play at one of the mmjv informational events, in fear that he would not be in a position to criticize mmjv trans,ator in the future. The mmjv website shows a movie about the Wafi-Golpu deposit which is a technical and highly abstract account of how mmjv will access the gold and copper deposits.

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Many Wampar access the Internet by smartphones and have Digicel contracts with very good conditions. Digicel provides Internet access in most Wampar villages. These are the spaces where social relations and networking are represented and enacted, so that who is working for the company or supporting its projects becomes visible. Usually they pose in an office or with heavy machinery at a mining or exploration site.

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The orange vests, machinery and offices often equipped with computers give others an idea of the desirable jobs and enjoyable sociality available through connections to the company and its operations.

Photographs of buildings and houses are shown less often.

Less important events, such as a groundbreaking ceremony at a future tailings area, or the opening of a small bridge, are attended by mmjv representatives lower in the hierarchy. The main aim of the mp s was to show unity in their political strategies and to maintain their own popularity among voters by distributing heavy machinery, trucks and cars to the Local Level Government and food to all guests of the event.

The speeches given emphasised that the whole population should stand together, regardless of differences between settlements and ethnic groups in their levels of expected compensation and royalties. One of the mp s appealed for all ethnic groups to fight together to ensure that lots of money flowed to the population as a whole.

He also emphasised, that local ethnic groups should exclusively benefit from work in the mine and not migrants from other parts of Papua New Guinea.

People supported his speech with applause — especially when royalties were mentioned. He emphasized that the company would cooperate with the provincial government and talked about employment opportunities for local people. No other information was conveyed by him and he did not address the claims advanced by the mp. Many people were involved in the catering for the event, which was the central topic of discussions. Representatives of mmjv arrived in a car long after the ceremony had started, and left after having a short look around.

Local people were most excited by the preparation of food. Again mmjv were thought to be staging one event while others taking place elsewhere involved its true agenda. The main difference seemed to be that cows instead of pigs have become the new currency for bigger social and political events, introduced by newly elected provincial politicians and mmjv.

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At such events many stories about explorations, upcoming compensation, royalties and the shape of the future circulate. At these political events, social problems and power differentials remain hidden by a rhetoric of unity presented in a context of commensality, one that is itself rooted in bolden that were already important before large-scale mining became one of the central issues.

Ina village meeting was called in Dzifasing to discuss the increased sedimentation load from the Hidden Valley Mine and fears of cyanide poisoning.

Representatives from mmjvthe National Department of Mining and the Morobe Provincial Department of Environment and Conservation were all present to assure people that everything was under control.